INTRODUCTION
"If we are to make progress, we must not repeat history
but make new history. We must add to the inheritance left by our ancestors.
If we may make new discoveries and inventions in the phenomenal world,
must we declare our bankruptcy in the spiritual domain? Is it possible
to multiply the exceptions so as to make them the rule? Must man always
be brute first and man after, if at all? "- Gandhi writing in
Young India, May 6 1926
Most of us including myself have tended to use Sept 11 2001 as a benchmark
whilst evaluating terrorism and attempting to forecast the trends
of the security environment for the future. The problem is infinitely
more complex, given the many layers of developments on the international
scene over the past century, and no discussion of the role of religion
and religious extremism can be complete without a reference to the
larger external environment and a series of significant developments
over that period.
Major developments during this period include
- Two world wars - each
one seen as `the war to end all wars'
- The use of the first
atomic bombs on Hiroshima, Nagasaki
- Freedom struggles,
the end of the colonial era, and the emergence of new nation states,
- the expansion of the
`Nuclear Club ' - (USSR, UK, France, China, India, Pakistan,
and Israel?) and the phenomena of the cold war;
- the Soviet invasion
of Afghanistan and subsequent withdrawal;
- the collapse of the
Soviet Union and the end of the cold war.
- the mushrooming of
many ethnic, religious and other conflicts
- the yet unresolved
demand for a Palestinian State
- and the India Pakistan
face-off over Kashmir
The other most important development during this period has been the
Information Technology Revolution which has dramatically impacted
the behaviour of people. Most of us have become prisoners of that
wonderful tool called the computer which has almost entirely taken
over our lives and eroded the finer aspects of humanness, human behaviour
and understanding.
Synthetic and clinical analysis set forth by digital technologies
have left the all important human element in the background. Some
of the decisions as a result of over dependence on modern technologies
have contributed a good deal towards a continuing thirst and thrust
for materialism and money. Globalisation and the restructuring of
the worlds trading patterns are but manifestations of this desire.
COLD WAR AND AFTER
One of the other major fall outs of the cessation of the cold war
has been the emergence of the United States as the lone `Super Power'
which has given rise to unbridled materialism as well as unilateralism.
This has impacted hugely in the conduct of the world's affairs. These
have been both dynamic and devastating - dynamic in style rather than
in content; and devastating because of its myopic construct.
Just as we need a good opposition within a country to make a democracy
vibrant and effective, so too in the international arena we need a
good opposition, single or multilateral, to checkmate the rise of
too much unilateralism. The law of nature is such that this is bound
to happen sooner than we think. The question is whether it will happen
by demonstrating grace and wisdom on the part of the strong and the
wealthy, and in a peaceful manner, or will it happen through violence?
One does not need to provide statistics to show how 80% of the worlds
resources are consumed by 20% of the crust of world society, leaving
the crumbs for the 80% of people to fight over. Clearly this kind
of imbalance has to be addressed frontally if we are to bring about
a transition from the current situation to a genuinely more democratic
and sustainable new world order.
The end of colonialism resulted in the emergence of a number of new
nations, including the partition of lands and peoples, sowing thereby
the seeds of eternal conflict in the future. Africa, the Middle East
and South Asia clearly illustrate this phenomenon. Wars and conflicts
have arisen due to cultural, ethnic, linguistic , political, economic,
social, and last but not the least, religious grounds in every part
of the world. These have further given rise to `Fundamentalisms' of
every conceivable kind - they range from material and monopolistic
trends of the wealthy nations under the banner of `capitalism', `corporate
culture' and the market' to the other extreme of feudalism, religious
extremism and fanaticism . Neither of these fundamentalist extremes
have shied away from using violence to meet their ends. Nor is religious
fundamentalism exclusive to any one single religion or grouping, although
recent trends, led by the USA post 9/11 and happily followed by those
for whom it is convenient, have done serious damage to Islam by virtually
treating all terrorism as Islamic terrorism or Islamic fundamentalism.
This is not the time for a more in depth examination of the above
developments. However these need to be kept in focus as we look at
how these have impacted on the global security scene and specifically
in nuclear weaponised South Asia.
RECENT TRENDS AND THE SITUATION IN SOUTH ASIA TODAY
Since December 2001, we have been witnessing a situation where two
powerful armies are facing each other across a long and volatile border
between India and Pakistan. The use of the cliché-d term `eyeball
to eyeball' conceals the real and manifest dangers of keeping men
and lethal weapons at the ready for such a long period of time, with
rhetoric growing shriller with every incident and every passing month.
The record of events in the recent past makes for interesting reading
- although the selection of the date of the nuclear test by India
in 1998 is an arbitrary cut off point.
- May 1998 -Nuclear tests
by India and Pakistan
- February 1999 - Signing
of the Lahore Declaration
- April-May 1999 - Kargil
Conflict
- October 1999 - Military
rule returns to Pakistan Gen Musharraf takes over in a bloodless
coup.
- July 2001 - the Agra
Summit
- Sept 11 2001 - Terrorist
strikes on the WTC - New York, and the Pentagon in Washington DC
- India and Pakistan
muscle in for patronage and favours from the USA - with both countries
joining the bandwagon of the `War on Terrorism'
- Dec 13 2001 attack
on Indian Parliament heralds dramatic set back in Indo-Pak relations
and movement of troops by both sides. Real threat of war including
likely use of nuclear weapons felt all round.
- International community
steps in - principal role by USA.
- Gen Musharraf yields
under extreme US and Western pressure and agrees to stop `cross
Border Infiltration' on a permanent basis. Currently the situation
is slightly improved - but armies still face each other. Possible
conflict between the two neighbours cannot yet be ruled out..
- Elections held successfully
in Indian part of Jammu and Kashmir recently. Due to no party obtaining
a total majority a coalition Government is likely to emerge. Likewise
elections in Pakistan was also held on Oct 10,and Government forming
process is on as there too no single party managed to receive an
absolute majority.
GROWTH OF RELIGIOUS
EXTREMISM - given the above immediate context, let us examine
briefly the phenomenon of different kinds of religious extremism in
the region - flagging the fact that all forms of extremism and fundamentalism
also arise out of specific historical and material contexts which
must be factored in.
A) Pakistan and Afghanistan
Given the fact that post the WTC attack, global focus has been on
Taliban, Al Qaeda and Afghanistan - let us begin with a brief re-cap
of the rise of fundamentalism and the Talibanisation of the region.
Religious extremism in Pakistan and Afghanistan gained ground during
the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, when the Taliban was born. Of
course the all pervading and stark poverty provided the basic breeding
ground for the rise of an ideology which promised identity and solutions,
as also for the creation of thousands of Madrassas - feeder establishments
for the young Talibans, mainly located in Pakistan. These continue
till today - although it must be pointed out that in the process the
institution of the `MADRASSA' - which need not in any way be a school
for terrorists, has also been given a bad name.
Convergence of strategic interests of both Pakistan and the US at
the time, facilitated this development - Pakistan, for its perceived
notion of improving its strategic depth, and the US for its global
strategic requirement of being the only super power. It is also well
documented that Intelligence agencies of both countries played an
active role in designing, implementing and sustaining the arrangement
as long as it was convenient.
Without labouring the point as to who was responsible for its emergence,
suffice it to say that this later provided the cradle for the growth
of both the Taliban and the Al Qaeda movements. From here emerged
also some of the militants who were to join the `Jehad' for the liberation
of Indian held Kashmir. It was the abandonment of Afghanistan by the
USA after the Russian withdrawal, that led to the growth of Al Qaeda
within Afghanistan and its subsequent spread world wide. Erstwhile
friends and allies had now turned into enemies, the promise of a better
future denied, combined with the growing frustration with western(largely
US) policy towards Muslim states , ultimately led to a series of attacks
on western assets, culminating in the strike on the Twin Towers and
the Pentagon on Sept 11 2001. The rest is modern history.
B) Religious Extremism in India
Let us also look briefly at the extraordinary phenomenon of the growth
of religious fundamentalism within India and within Hinduism over
the same period. Here too there is need to delve into, and understand
the historical genesis of the creation of several nations out of the
erstwhile undivided British India - and the role of the colonial power
in creating the divisions based on religion among other factors.
The subsequent Partition of India based on the (insidious to many)
theory that Muslims and Hindus constituted two different `Nations',
has in fact laid the foundation for the endless and bitter strife
between the neighbours who essentially share the same heritage and
a common history. The Kashmir Problem is the most visible manifestation
of this deeper malaise.
The concept of `HINDUTVA' was the brainchild of the founding fathers
of the movement for Hindu Nationalism like Golwalkar of the RSS, Vir
Savarkar of the Hindu Mahasabha and others - and originated in some
of the policies of the infamous `colonial policy of `divide and rule'
long before partition and Independence in 1947. However, in the early
post independence years in India, a solid constitutional commitment
to secularism, pluralism and democracy, vigilantly championed by the
first few generations of leaders, especially from the erstwhile Nationalist
Congress, was maintained and nurtured.
However, with the fraying of a middle of the road party over the years;
the failure of the left to establish roots across the country; and
the overall inability of the leadership to come to grips with some
of the fundamental contradictions and problems of a large, poor and
diverse population, a political space was created which the Right
Wing Hindu nationalist groups were able to capture through an ideology
which they call HINDUTVA and claim that it is derived from Hinduism
and has the well being and interests of the largely Hindu Majority
at heart. Today we are seeing the sway of opportunistic politics astutely
combined with the most populist form of religion.
The extremist Hindu groups in India mainly comprise of the RSS
[Rashtriya Swayam Sevak Sangh], the Vishwa Hindu Parishad [VHP],
the Bajrang Dal, the Shiva Sena. The government in power today led
by the Bharatiya Janata Party [BJP] has got close links with
the above organisations - collectively referred to as the `Sangh
Parivar. [Ofcourse it must be said in passing that India is also
home to some Muslim extremist groups like SIMI, with links
to pan-Islamic movements.]
The Hindutva movement got a special fillip, when a `Rath Yatra' (a
pilgrimage of temple chariots) was undertaken by Shri L.K. Advani,
the then president of the BJP in 1992. This was a clever deployment
of the `religious card' for political mobilisation. Unfortunately
feelings were whipped up, and passions were aroused amongst the Hindu
extremist groups resulting in the demolition on Dec 6 1992, of the
Babri Masjid in Ayodhya in the north Indian State of Uttar Pradesh.
The extremist Hindu groups claimed that this mosque was built by Babar,
the Moghul king, on the site of an existing Hindu temple at the birth
place of Lord Rama, an important deity for Hindus.
The destruction of the mosque certainly marks a tragic landmark in
the chronology of Hindu-Muslim relations in Indian and the region.
RIGHT WING NATIONALISM, MILITARISM AND THE NUCLEAR BOMB
The BJP, did indeed make dramatic improvements in their representation
in the Indian Parliament, and came to power in a coalition government
in 1998. The BJP's election manifesto was greatly influenced by the
`Sangh Parivar', which had clearly subscribed to the acquisition
of the nuclear weapon. As far back as the early fifties, the Jana
Sangh which was the forerunner of the present day BJP, had also championed
the cause of going nuclear. The nuclear bomb was considered to be
a visible symbol of power, strength and militarism and especially
of a resurgent Hindu nationalism.
Although the first nuclear test was conducted in 1974 by the Congress
Government headed by Indira Gandhi, it was within a stated policy
of not going in for nuclear weaponisation .They were quite
clear that they would propagate and promote global nuclear disarmament.
(Rajiv Gandhi's proposal at the UN in June 9 1988).
The present government changed all that by the Pokhran Tests on 11
May 1998 - virtually forcing Pakistan into following suit with their
tests at Chhagai on May 28 1998. Both countries now had openly declared
themselves to be nuclear weapons states, and proudly trumpeted their
intention to weaponise. Once again, clever use was made of the links
between religion, power and nationalism and national pride, thereby
creating a wave of apparent popular support for nuclear weapons. Indeed
many people called India's bomb - `the Hindu Bomb', while the one
across the border was referred to as `the Islamic bomb'.
POLITICAL REVERSES FOR THE RULING BJP GOVERNMENT AND TRAGIC FALL
OUT FOR RELIGIOUS MINORITIES.
Religious discrimination against minority groups and minority sects
has been going on ever since partition in various parts of both countries.
However, given that there are many and larger percentages of minorities
in India, with the Muslim population in fact being second only to
that of Indonesia, the conditions for serious flare-ups and violence
and hatred to be unleashed are also that much greater. The most recent
manifestation of this was seen in the state sponsored genocide
of Muslims in the state of Gujarat in western India. This state
continues to be led by a chief minister from the extremist Hindu right
wing - who is also a member of the RSS.
Every time there is a setback for the party in elections in one state,
there is a tendency to fall back on the hardline ideology of Hindutva
- with predictable insecurity and attacks on minorities especially
in areas where the lumpen elements from both sides are mobilised by
the respective religio-political formations.
DEMOCRACY IN PAKISTAN, THE KASHMIR QUESTION, AND THE POSSIBILTY
OF NUCLEAR CONFRONTATION - COMMAND AND CONTROL SYSTEMS
We see here the constant interplay between domestic politics and foreign
policy postures. In India there is a constant (triumphalist?) reference
to the lack of democracy in Pakistan, and a tendency to ride high
on the increasingly tough positions being adopted towards the Pakistani
support to Terrorist Camps and Cross border Terrorism by the USA and
other western powers.
The entire issue of Kashmir is also interwoven both with historical
baggage and hard positions taken over the years because of which no
leadership in either country can afford to be seen as `soft' or yielding
to the other country. The basic question of whether or not the state
should be partitioned on the basis of religion determines the positions
of both sides to a large extent.
And looming over it all and the primary reason for the resurgence
of interest in the region, is ofcourse the real and present danger,
in the shape of extremely high levels of troop mobilisation over several
months on the borders. There is a high possibility indeed, of this
escalating into actual hostilities, and from there into nuclear exchange,
with catastrophic implications for not only the two countries but
the region as a whole. For all the pronouncements of Nuclear Doctrines
and No-first Use - the reality is that the Command and Control Systems
on both sides are primitive to say the least, thereby adding an even
more dangerous dimension to the
entire situation.
ROAD MAP, SIGN POSTS FOR PEACE - AND THOUGHTS ON FOREIGN POLICY
IMPLICATIONS FOR THE USA
At one level, the heightened levels of concern for the situation obtaining
between India and Pakistan, as manifest in the unending chain of high
level political visits to the region over the last ten months is cause
for some comfort. Peace Making and Mediation (even though India is
allergic to the phrase) have been at their most intense in a long
while -both international and national - government and non governmental.
On Kashmir itself - which has been successfully internationalised
thanks to the string of recent events - there have been several well
considered road maps suggested - and conceivably it would be possible
to find a way forward. In the short term, it might perhaps work out
that with US `facilitation' the three parties to the conflict - the
Kashmiri people, Pakistan and India, can be brought to the table and
an interim solution worked out (see my articles in the Hindu - A Road
Map for peace dated - June 2002, and More Signposts for Peace - July
2002).
The more serious question to be raised, in the context of the current
global reality of the US being the only super power and in the position
of taking decisions unilaterally, is how the USA wields this power
in the coming period of time. There are several fundamental underlying
issues which those who seek to explore the linkages between religion,
culture, economic power of the market, the arms industry and the role
of unipolar power, would do well to address.
To quote a recent article - an editorial in a journal of Philosophy
- `the pressures of unipolarity continue to undermine the emergence
of a multipolar world and plurality of thoughts'. And again
- "When our circumscribed logical minds are confronted
with problems that become too big to approach, they lose their depth,
and seek easy solutions through super-violence or the visible, without
examining the deep underlying causes of our maladies. We continue
to talk of peace yet keep starting wars"
Dare one ask and seek honestly to answer the question whether it is
ultimately in the business interests of what someone recently termed
"The Armament Protected Consumerism" in fact to ensure
that we talk peace in all earnest, but keep some fires burning so
that the peace makers are accompanied often on the same visit by another
official seeking to sell the latest weapon or sensor ?
In the same vein, we will need honestly to unpack and demystify the
increasing power and spread of globalisation as a culture and an economic
juggernaut which carries within itself the seeds of destruction of
all that stands in the way of its greed and need to grow bigger at
the cost of both humanity and nature.
Maybe it is time for foreign policy discourse to address some of these
themes - above all the link between what could be termed `Religious
Exclusivism, Colonialism and Racism', which in turn is a close ally
of excessive `Materialism and Militarism'. [From Journal of World
Affairs - Vol VI no I]
A combination of any or all of these forms of exclusivism - dividing
humanity into believers and non-believers - be it in one religion
or one economic model - is itself sowing the seeds of violence and
disharmony. Therefore it opens up an endless ocean of challenging
all forms of inherited wisdom and knowledge.
The foreign policy positions of a country like the USA are profoundly
linked with their own economic, religious and industrial worldviews.
In the ultimate analysis and given the kind of power equations prevailing,
the role of the US as the ringmaster in the Peace arena is clear.
Any one occupying a position of such power should also be able to
demonstrate an ability and willingness to reflect on the vast and
complex area of historical, cultural, religious, scientific and ecological
realities which make up our unique world. And if she were able to
open up this kind of a discourse without the tendency to be a power
broker - truly the United States of America might be able to occupy
a place in history .
I would like to end with a quotation from the Isha-Upanishad which
the great Nobel Laureate poet from India, Rabindra Nath Tagore quoted
while addressing Harvard University in 1913: Speaking about Sadhana
- or the realisation of life, he says that `true realisation of God,
or of the infinite, is not like one object among many, to be definitely
classified and kept among our possessions, to be used as an ally specially
favouring us in our politics, warfare, money-making, or in social
competitions!' On the contrary we need to remember that :
"Tena tyaktena bhunjithaq ma gridhah
kasyasviddhanam" -
"Enjoy whatever is given by him and harbour not in your mind
the greed for wealth which is not your own."
"Om Shanti,Shanti,Shanti - Peace - Peace - Peace